서울대학교 행복연구센터

서울대학교 행복연구센터

Xu, J., &Schwarz, N. (2009). Do we really need a reason to indulge?. Journal of Marketing Research, 46(1), 25-36.

The authors document consistent discrepancies among consumers’ predicted, actual, and remembered feelings related to indulgence episodes and conceptualize the underlying processes. Consistent with previous research, consumers expect more negative and less positive feelings when they indulge without a reason than when they indulge with a reason (Study 1) or when they indulge as a consolation for poor performance than when they indulge as a reward...

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Kivetz, R., &Simonson, I. (2002). Earning the right to indulge: Effort as a determinant of customer preferences toward frequency program rewards.

Although frequency programs (FPs) have become ubiquitous in the marketplace and a key marketing-mix tool for promoting customer relationship and loyalty, little is known about the factors that determine how such programs are evaluated by consumers. The authors investigate the impact of the level of effort participants must invest to obtain the reward on the types of rewards they prefer and, consequently, on the decision...

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Rozin, P., Kabnick, K., Pete, E., Fischler, C., &Shields, C. (2003). The ecology of eating: smaller portion sizes in France than in the United States help explain the French paradox.

Part of the “French paradox” can be explained by the fact that the French eat less than Americans. We document that French portion sizes are smaller in comparable restaurants, in the sizes of individual portions of foods (but not other items) in supermarkets, in portions specified in cookbooks, and in the prominence of “all you can eat” restaurants in dining guides. We also present data,...

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Rozin, P. (2005). The meaning of food in our lives: a cross-cultural perspective on eating and well-being. Journal of nutrition education and behavior, 37, S107-S112.

Humans are biologically adapted to their ancestral food environment in which foods were dispersed and energy expenditure was required to obtain them. The modern developed world has a surplus of very accessible, inexpensive food. Amid the enormous variety of different foods are “super” foods, such as chocolate, which are particularly appealing and calorie dense. Energy output can be minimal to obtain large amounts of food....

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Burke, R. J., Koyuncu, M., Fiksenbaum, L., &Demirer, H. (2009). Time affluence, material affluence and well-being among Turkish managers.

Purpose– Based on US college student and adult samples, Kasser and Sheldon suggested that time affluence (TA) may be a more significant predictor of subjective well‐being than material affluence (MA). This paper aims to replicate and extend their findings to an employed sample from another country and culture. Design/methodology/approach– Data were collected from 877 men and women managers and professionals working in the manufacturing sector in...

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Kasser, T., &Sheldon, K. M. (2009). Time affluence as a path toward personal happiness and ethical business practice: Empirical evidence from four studies. Journal of Business Ethics, 84(2), 243-255.

Many business practices focus on maximizing material affluence, or wealth, despite the fact that a growing empirical literature casts doubt on whether money can buy happiness. We therefore propose that businesses consider the possibility of “time affluence” as an alternative model for improving employee well-being and ethical business practice. Across four studies, results consistently showed that, even after controlling for material affluence, the experience of...

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Kahneman, D., Krueger, A. B., Schkade, D., Schwarz, N., &Stone, A. A. (2006). Would you be happier if you were richer? A focusing illusion. science, 312(5782), 1908-1910.

The belief that high income is associated with good mood is widespread but mostly illusory. People with above-average income are relatively satisfied with their lives but are barely happier than others in moment-to-moment experience, tend to be more tense, and do not spend more time in particularly enjoyable activities. Moreover, the effect of income on life satisfaction seems to be transient. We argue that people...

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DeVoe, S. E., &Pfeffer, J. (2011). Time is tight: How higher economic value of time increases feelings of time pressure. Journal of Applied Psychology, 96(4), 665-676.

The common heuristic association between scarcity and value implies that more valuable things appear scarcer (King, Hicks, & Abdelkhalik, 2009), an effect we show applies to time as well. In a series of studies, we found that both income and wealth, which affect the economic value of time, influence perceived time pressure. Study 1 found that changes in income were associated with changes in perceived...

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Wener, R. E., &Evans, G. W. (2011). Comparing stress of car and train commuters. Transportation research part F: traffic psychology and behaviour, 14(2), 111-116.

Commuting times and distances continue to increase in the United States with potential impacts to the environment as well as possible health consequences for the travelers, because of stress from the commuting trip. There is very little empirical information, however, on the differences between various modes of commuting on commuter stress. This study provides a cross-sectional comparison of car and train commuters with multiple indicators...

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Nisbet, E. K., &Zelenski, J. M. (2011). Underestimating nearby nature: Affective forecasting errors obscure the happy path to sustainability. Psychological science, 22(9), 1101-1106.

Modern lifestyles disconnect people from nature, and this may have adverse consequences for the well-being of both humans and the environment. In two experiments, we found that although outdoor walks in nearby nature made participants much happier than indoor walks did, participants made affective forecasting errors, such that they systematically underestimated nature’s hedonic benefit. The pleasant moods experienced on outdoor nature walks facilitated a subjective...

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